|
|
, Catherine Hazel AguilarCorresponding author: Florence Lasalita ZAPICO (florence.zapico@gmail.com; florence_zapico@yahoo.com)
This paper discussed effects of lowland-associated influences on upland ecology, food security and biocultural diversity in the Sarangani farming communities of the Philippines. In the uplands of Sarangani Province, the conservation of traditional rice varieties, the centrality of rice in tribal life, and the continued observance of planting rituals attest to its cultural significance and convey a common desire for cultural preservation and community solidarity. Economic and socio-political pressures had transformed tribal communities, although vestiges of traditional farming systems are still being practiced in remote sitios (villages). Changing land use patterns had also resulted in shrinking farm sizes and consequently in food insecurity in the Sarangani uplands. Extractive industries (i.e. logging, mining and charcoal making) and swidden farming were observed to cause widespread environmental degradation, while modern agriculture had undermined the capacity of indigenous peoples to survive because of their complete dependence on lands and resources. With the reality that cultural and biological diversities are inextricably linked, trans-disciplinary strategies coupling indigenous knowledge systems with scientific knowledge should, therefore, be instituted to save the Sarangani upland ecosystem, the indigenous peoples and their tribal resources.
Sarangani Province, created in 1992, lies in the southernmost region of Mindanao Island in the Philippines. Its two portions flank General Santos City and lie between latitude of about 5° 33′ 41′ ′ to 6° 32′ 4′ ′ and longitude of about 124° 21′ 39′ ′ to 125° 35′ 11′ ′ . Of its total land area of 3 986.4 km2, only 14.5% can be categorically classified as lowland (Sarangani Province, 2011). The overall terrain of the province consists primarily rolling hills and steep mountains. Composed of seven municipalities, viz. Malapatan, Alabel, Glan, Malungon, Maasim, Kiamba and Maitum, Sarangani Province is cut into eastern and western halves by General Santos City (Fig. 1).
 | Fig. 1. Map of Sarangani Province, the Philippines. |
Forty-five percent population of Sarangani Province is composed of a mixture of people from various tribal groups. Collectively known as Lumads (tribes with non-Muslim ethnicity), these groups settled in Mindanao before Spanish colonization during 1500s-1600s. However, the settling of Mindanao by foreign colonizers and by migrants from other areas of the Philippines during the years that followed drove the Lumads away from their ancestral lands. In Sarangani Province, these groups had been pushed to the remote hinterlands due to the encroachment of communities and agroforestry systems into their erstwhile areas of habitation. Even during these recent times, Lumads in remote areas continually wage war to assert rights to own land and raise their families. Because of the remoteness of their villages, no official census in the areas has been undertaken, and the exact numbers are not known. These tribes are also the poorest and most marginalized sectors receiving the smallest social service allocations from the government (Carino, 2012; LBRMO, 2013).
In terms of population, the dominant Lumads in the Sarangani upland areas are Blaans, T’ bolis and Tagakaulos. Blaans represent the largest minority in Sarangani and are mostly found in the municipalities of Malapatan, Glan, Alabel and Malungon. T’ bolis inhabit Maitum, Kiamba and Maasim, while Tagakaulos reside exclusively in Malungon and Datal Anggas in Alabel (Sarangani Province, 2011). These tribal people engage in subsistence farming of traditional rice as part of their cultural heritage. This research therefore was undertaken to document the entire spectrum of tribal indigenous knowledge systems (IKS) and to determine the status of rice varietal diversity, and the Sarangani upland environment amidst a dynamic interplay of cultural, environmental, socio-political and economic forces.
A total of 16 upland rice sitios viz. New Canaan and Datal Anggas in Alabel; Klobak, Banlas, Kyondog, Klalang, Klimon and Kihan in Malapatan; Datal Hofoh and Gasie in Maasim; sitio Banate in Kiamba; Lafla, Surang and Datal Bolol in Glan; sitio Balite and Alkikan in Malungon; and sitio Angko in Maitum were selected for the study. These sitios represent all seven municipalities of Sarangani Province and were chosen because they had existing population stands of upland rice in their farms. Data collection involved various participatory rural appraisal techniques such as semi-structured interviews, survey questionnaire, community meetings, and field immersion/observation. The interviews were open-ended, free-wheeling and enabled the interviewer to pursue a certain line of discussion that arose during the course of the conversation. The survey questionnaire was used to elicit information such as demographics, gender roles, rice varieties planted, and indigenous farming practices used in the farms. For community meetings, these were held at the beginning and end of fieldwork. The first meeting was done to introduce the researchers/research to the community and to obtain the consent of the farmer respondents, while the last meeting was conducted to validate research outputs. Field observation was also done for crops and traditional rice varieties grown in the upland farms. The data obtained from the questionnaires were collated, analyzed and subjected to simple arithmetic calculations (frequency distribution) and descriptive statistics using arithmetic means.
For this research, a total of 227 farmers were interviewed, of which majority (97.4%) were men. The farmers fell in the 16-78 years age range and had an average of 19 years involvement in farming. Around 65.2%, 15.0% and 9.7% belonged to Blaan, T’ boli and Tagakaolo ethnic groups, respectively, while the remaining farmers had mixed ethnic and Visayan ancestry. Due to the remoteness of the sitios, more than half of the farmers (65.2%) finished only up to primary education in nearby elementary schools.
Farm sizes in the uplands of Sarangani Province ranged from 0.13 to 20.00 hm2, with an average of 3.20 hm2. The farms were located in plain, rolling and mountainous terrain with primarily clay loam soil. Approximately a third of the farmers used chemical fertilizers, while 13.7% used organic fertilizers, and majority (45.0%) relied on the inherent fertility of the soil. In the Sarangani uplands, farmers identified insect pest infestation, low productivity, lack of workforce, declining soil fertility, and viral diseases as major problems in agricultural production.
More than half of the farmer respondents (57.3%) revealed that they do not use agrochemicals in their farms. When asked about the reasons why they opt for the organic approach, the farmers disclosed that the practice is in accordance with tradition, it does not harm the environment and the farmer, and it is cheaper than pesticide use and because all of their friends and relatives are using it. Inversely, several farmers disclosed that they do not have access to agrochemicals owing to financial considerations and inaccessibility of their farms. When given the option between indigenous pest control practices and chemical use, 52.4% of the farmers chose the former while the remaining farmers signified interest in shifting to synthetic pesticides if given the opportunity.
The Blaans and their farming rituals
Traditional upland rice (Fig. 2) as a common cultural heritage is deeply rooted in the belief systems and devotion of Blaans to Dwata, a compassionate god who lives in stones, balite(ficus) trees, or creeks. To convey his message, Dwata sends an almugan(white-eared brown dove, Phapitreron leucotis) whose chirping alternatively heralds the coming of the prosperous days or an impending disaster. The farmer then chooses a patch of forest land (elnigo) adjacent to his farm and invokes the approval of Dwata expressed by four pleasant chirps of the almugan heard through the left ear. The elnigo is cleared by burning understory vegetation, cutting down trees, and burning remaining vegetation and debris. After clearing, the elnigo is fenced with bagacay(climbing wild bamboo) poles and sugarcane to protect it from wandering animals. Blaan farmers usually do slash and burn (kaingin) from mid-February to early March in time for the planting season (April-May).
 | Fig. 2. Seeds of selected traditional rice varieties collected from Sarangani Province, the Philippines. |
Sahul (or volunteerism) is a traditional practice of the Blaans that is employed during land preparation and other stages of rice production. Male farmers gather and agree on a timetable to accommodate each farm. Compensation for participation in sahul may come in the form of exchange labor or a portion of the harvest. No cash transactions are made. The essence of sahul hinges on the commitment of the farmers to undertake mutual exchange of labor and indicates their deep sense of cooperation, mutual support, and reciprocity as basic elements of social solidarity.
Blaan farmers develop traditional planting calendars which are oftentimes based on constellations. The appearance of stars samkyab and tubong in the sky marks the start of the planting season. In the center of the farm land, the farmer and his wife build a botne (makeshift wooden altar) (Fig. 3-A) supported by four wooden posts about a meter high. The botne is surrounded by four sugarcane stands, four rows of sweet potato, and wild bamboo. On the bamboo pole, the farmer and his wife place slices of ginger, layers of ashes, green pepper, and chili, slices of kisol (turmeric), and charcoal in threes. Before sunrise, the seeds are brought to the botne along with food for festivities after planting. Then, amlah (planting) (Fig. 3-B) begins with the farmer and his wife initiating the lamgi, where everyone join in a synchronized chorus of chants in increasing tempo as men dig conical holes with ahak (sharpened pole used to dibble). The cadence of lamgiranges from a slow chant (lamgi tana) to moderately upbeat (lamgi Blaan) and to very fast chanting (lamgi mayeng). This zero-tillage method used by the farmers (pole dibbling) prevents seed contamination and facilitates germination due to minimal soil disturbance. The women then fill the holes with bne (rice seeds) and cover them with soil with a single sweep of the foot. By tradition, Blaan farmers plant a minimum of three varieties for each planting season to conserve seed diversity, prevent pest infestation, and ensure that most saved seeds are planted.
Blaan women farmers remove weeds a month after seed sowing, when tillers emerge from the soil and just before ripening of the rice grains to prevent infestation by pests and rodents. In Malapatan, farmers plant Job’ s tears (Coix lacryma jobi L.) along field borders to serve as windbreak. Seeds of C. lacryma jobi, when disturbed by strong winds, create a strident noise that drives pests away. These seeds are also consumed by Blaan families as a carbohydrate substitute during periods of rice deficit. Furthermore, leguminous plants such as mung bean (Vigna radiata) and peanut (Arachis hypogaea) are planted in the rice fields by the farmers as additional food sources. Unbeknownst to the farmers, these nitrogen-fixing plants enrich the soil and make it fertile.
When the panicles start to fill with grain, the farmer gets busy setting up a scarecrow which is then deployed in the middle of the rice field. Pandoman(a thanksgiving ceremony), which precedes harvesting, takes place in the fol(hut for rice storage). The farmer expresses his thanks to Dwata by plunging a spear into two rice bundles placed on a mat. The community then forms a circle around the mat in deep silence thanking Dwata for protection of the farm from pestilence and for blessing it with bountiful harvest. After thanksgiving, the men go hunting for wild pigs or fishing for crabs, freshwater shrimps, eel and fish to provide food for those who will join the post-harvest celebrations.
Harvest (tuke fali) is a joyous event for Blaans, since it marks the culmination of all the hard work during the planting season. A bountiful harvest means that the farmer and his family will have enough food to last until the following planting season. To start harvesting, the farm owner performs the ritual of nlaban fali where he uses rattan strips to tie a portion of the standing crop which is then weighted with stone. The tied up plants served as a starting point (lagdal) of the harvest. Using hand knives, elderly women carefully harvest rice seeds and place them inside the baen, a traditional basket placed on their backs and secured to their foreheads by Manila hemp strips (Fig. 3-C). After harvest, panicles are placed on a mat, threshed with bare feet by Blaanwomen and sun-dried for a few days. The eldest member of the household allocates a portion of the sun-dried harvest for the post-harvest feast. This portion of rice is milled simultaneously by 3-4 women using a sung (big mortar and pestle made from a log concavely hollowed in the middle). The pounded grains are winnowed to separate chaff, wrapped with leaves, put inside 1 m long bamboo poles, and grilled over flames until cooked. After all the harvests are accounted for, the farmer and his wife initiate the dance to the beat of falimak (gong) and sluray (bamboo zitter), and everyone joins in. The families who take part in the harvest are given a share of the harvest as gifts.
The rest of the harvested rice is thereafter put inside receptacles such as tidal (bamboo stuffed with ashes), lihub (container from tree bark), bluyot and baen (baskets) which are then placed inside the fol. The floor and walls of the fol are made from split bamboo, and its roof (which opens with the pull of a string) is made of abaca (Manila hemp). This roof opens during daytime to allow sunlight inside the fol and closes during nighttime or when it rains. No nails are used in fol construction, and binding is done using rattan strips. The fol, which stands on four bamboo poles about 2.0-2.5 m high, can be accessed using a detachable ladder (Fig. 3-D). The four polished bamboo poles with their disk-shaped contraptions attached a foot away from the floor of the fol prevent rodents from getting to the stored grains. Pest and disease infestation during storage is also inhibited by resins in the tree bark containers and wood ashes in the tidal. Fruits and leaves of the betel nut (Areca catechu) are also suspended from wooden beams in the fol to repel insect pests. Interviewed farmers disclosed that rice seeds stored in these traditional vessels retain viability for a year. And, some farmers set aside a portion of the harvest for the next planting season by hanging bundles of upland rice panicles from the beams supporting the ceilings of their houses (Fig. 3-E).
Tagakaulos and their farming rituals
Striking similarities were noted for Tagakaulo and Blaan farming practices which further support anecdotal claims about their tribal relations. A botne is also built around which sugar cane, shallot, lemon grass, sweet potato, and wild bamboo are planted. In contrast to the Blaan damsu ceremony, however, a young girl and boy walk around the botne. This is followed by chanting of men while they make holes with turak (dibbling pole) and women fill these with seeds. Tagakaulo women do not join in the lamgi, and male farmers dig holes with one hand, laying the other on the shoulder of the man next to them.
Harvesting is done in almost the same way as the Blaans. Tagakaulo farmers use a garab (small knife with wooden handle) to cut rice panicles and place in a buon (small basket similar to the Blaan baen). The panicles are then threshed, sifted in a taof, dried under the sun, and pounded in a lusongand alo (wooden mortar and pestle) in preparation for cooking. The remaining rice grains are then placed in a laban (similar to Blaan lihub) and stored in the kamali(hut), which is analogous to the fol of Blaan farmers.
T’ bolis and their farming rituals
For the T’ bolis, a specific arrangement of the stars (blotik) signals the start of the planting season. Two stars appearing in the northeast direction signal the start of planting, while the same stars directly overhead bring bad omen. Before the planting season starts, the farmers cook glutinous rice and kill a white chicken. Afterwards, a table is prepared outside the farmers’ house, and cooked rice molded into circular shapes is placed on the table along with stuff (watches or knives) that farmers consider valuable. The farmer then prays to different guardians like Banitang (the guardian of water), Datu (the guardian of uway), Fukuyo (the guardian of woods) and Fuboto (the guardian of rocks). Food (tamni) is offered to the guardians and the farmer and his family partake of the prepared food. Planting starts the next day. A special variety, Kubu, is planted firstly because its absence in the rice field (tanibah) is believed to cause crop failure. If a pregnant woman will lead the planting, T’ bolis believe that they will be blessed with good harvest. Talking and singing to the plants also help, according to the farmers.
T’ bolis tribe also has a ritual for harvesting, which they called lamtos.Once flowering starts, the farmers sprinkle the rice field with bulong, a concoction made of powdered rock mixed with bits of woods and water. According to some farmers, Banitang tells the farmer where to get the bulong through dreams. A portion of the standing crop is tied down (bankas) to the ground and harvesting starts at this point. After the bankasis completed, the farmer prays to the guardians for a good harvest. Harvesters put the seeds in the laban (basket), transfer them to the lihob, where it is covered with dried grasses (Saccharum spontaneumandImperata cylindrica) for storage (Fig. 3-F).
 | Fig. 3. Traditional farming practices in Sarangani Province, the Philippines. A, Blaan and T’ boli botne(makeshift wooden altar); B, Blaan amlah or planting ceremony; C, Blaan women during harvest (tuke fali); D, Blaan fol(storage hut); E, Rice panicles stored in farmers’ houses; F, Seeds are stored in baskets made from wood bark stuffed with dried grasses. |
A total of 96 rice accessions were collected from Sarangani upland farms, of which 6 were foreign introductions by the Department of Agriculture (DA) and other similar government line agencies (Supplemental Table 1). Certified varieties Azucena and Dinurado, ‘ climate proof’ varieties which can withstand climatic extremes, were recommended by the DA and the Philippine Rice Research Institute for cultivation in upland environments. According to these agencies, these two varieties can thrive despite torrential rains and insect pest infestation. Other DA-introduced varieties, RB12, Masipag and Midsayap, were also observed to dominate hillsides in Alabel and Malungon. On the other hand, 76 farmers’ traditional varieties were documented in 16 upland sites in all 7 municipalities of Sarangani Province. Of these 76 varieties, 56 were cultivated by Blaan, 12 by T’ boli and 8 by Tagakaulo farmers.
In the Sarangani uplands, tribal farmers assess their harvests through the numbers of sacks of harvested grains for every taro of planting seeds. A taro is a wooden measuring container that is square-shaped, and it can hold approximately 2 kg of rice. Likewise, rice for cooking is measured using a salmon (cylindrical tin containers for canned sardines). Farmers also identified positive traits that they use as criteria for conservation of traditional rice varieties. Among these are seed quality, palatability, fragrance, drought resistance, hardiness, insect resistance and high yielding capacity in decreasing levels of importance. This seeming disregard for yield as an important criterion for selection is further borne out by rice utilization of the Sarangani tribes, where almost 85% is for home consumption, and an insignificant number of varieties are used for celebrations or are sold to traders.
Upland farmers have also devised a simple and pragmatic nomenclature scheme in naming their varieties, for instance, Mlikat varieties are glutinous, Bulawan varieties (or derivative Bulen) have yellowish to golden grains, Fitam grains are black, Bulaw grains are white, and Morado varieties have reddish grains. Lagfisanwhich means ‘ soldier’ is the name given by Blaans to the rice variety that is planted around the rice field during pre-planting rituals. The tribes believe that Lagfisan protects the growing rice plants from pestilence. Furthermore, varietal names such as Ikog sa Kuda (Tail of the horse) and Ngipon sa Kasili(teeth of the freshwater eel) were also given by Blaansto accurately describe the appearances of these varieties. Ikog sa Kuda grains had very long awns, and Ngipon sa Kasili seeds are extremely short and white when dehulled.
This study focused on biocultural diversity in the upland farming communities of Sarangani Province, the Philippines as impacted by increasing population growth and other external driving forces. Posey (1999) stated that biocultural diversity includes ‘ life in all its manifestations: biological, cultural and linguistic which are interrelated and co-evolved’ . Field sorties to remote farming communities in different municipalities reveal broad genetic diversity for Sarangani rice as well as a rich and diverse repertoire of indigenous farming practices of Blaans, T’ bolis and Tagakaulos. Unfortunately, both rice diversity and IKS are diminishing due to emerging socio-political, environmental and economic realities in the Sarangani uplands. The recent integration of tribal leadership to mainstream body politics has totally transformed the Sarangani upland landscape. One factor that has contributed largely to this transformation is the shrinking/loss of ancestral lands due to political declarations, which nullify tribal ownership norms and set boundaries/borders to these lands (Lopez et al, 2012). Many of these ancestral lands are declared as public land, classified as watershed/forest reserves, while others are awarded to corporations/private individuals as logging or mining concessions. Consequently, their landholdings shrink and tribal people have less area to forage or plant crops in.
These changing land use delineations limite mobility of the tribes, decrease farmland sizes, necessitate the shift from traditional cultivation and extend fallow cycles to sedentary agriculture with very short fallow periods. In Sarangani Province, modern agriculture, which had pervaded even the remotest hinterlands, had severely constrained indigenous food supply systems and had resulted in chronic food shortages which become pronounced with longer dry spells. In an effort to address worsening problems of food scarcity, government line agencies promote wide scale cultivation of ‘ climate resilient’ high yielding rice varieties (HYVs) and hybrid corn in the upland areas. These introduced varieties/cash crops, which require intensive use of synthetic inputs, are however highly profitable only in the short run because their continuous cultivation strips the soil of its natural fertility, loosens it and makes it prone to erosion (Castella et al, 2012; Athipanyakul et al, 2014). HYVs are also homogenous and unproductive when grown under rainfed upland conditions with no agrochemicals and irrigation. Moreover, these modern introductions had also displaced traditional rice landraces, resulting in huge agri-biodiversity losses in the Sarangani upland farms. These landraces, which are adaptive, hardy, genetically-diverse and which evolved in farmers’ fields, are presently disappearing due to introduction of HYVs, which are reputed to have a very narrow genetic base. These concomitant losses of traditional varieties will eventually result in extinction, and along with their disappearance, valuable genes for resistance to a wide array of biotic and abiotic stress will be lost as well. These present upland scenarios are reminiscent of the Green Revolution, which occurred during mid- to late-20th century and which promoted the use of HYVs, extensive chemical use and water management through irrigation. While this program increases crop productivity, it also causes harmful effects to the farmer, environment and rice farms. Furthermore, modern agriculture makes tribal farmers dependent on chemical inputs/hybrid seeds and traps them in a vicious web of indebtedness, poverty and food insecurity.
Field visits to farming villages in the uplands of Sarangani Province also revealed very extensive environmental degradation. Deforested slopes, vast cogonal (Imperata cylindrica) fields, landslides, widening of riverbanks, and flashfloods are common sights/occurrences in these areas. Identified causes of environmental degradation in the uplands are extractive human activities such as logging, charcoal making, and mining. Deforestation especially in watershed areas had also drained water sources, resulting in water scarcity and desertification in some upland areas of the province. It was also observed that swidden farming is widely practiced by Sarangani farmers due to perceived beneficial effects to the soil and yield. While de Rouw (1995) concurs that in the short term, nutrient-rich ash from burnt biomass provides enriches the soil, numerous authors categorically claim that all forms of swidden farming cause deforestation and upland degradation (Dove, 1983; Southgate, 1990; Pearce and Warford, 1993; Saito et al, 2006; Jakobsen et al, 2007; Styger et al, 2007; Fukushima et al, 2008). In the Sarangani uplands, expansion of agricultural fields towards undisturbed forests and the subsequent harvesting of remaining saplings for charcoal had resulted in the transformation of previously lush forests into grassland-dominated landscapes, which are of nominal agricultural and ecological value. In an attempt to preserve remaining forest cover in the uplands, the municipal governments of Alabel and Maitum criminalize logging and swidden farming. In other municipalities, however, displace tribal farmers engage in swidden farming out of desperation to provide for the needs of their families even if this destructive agricultural practice endangers their survival in the longer term.
Immersion activities to Sarangani farming communities also revealed uniqueness and diversity of Blaan, Tagakaulo and T’ boli IKS. These systems are shaped by an intricate web of socio-cultural, economic and ecological relationships that underlie the richness and distinctness of tribal culture. However, the oral nature of IKS transmission makes it vulnerable to permanent loss (Posey, 1996; Daoas et al, 1999; Correa, 2001). The pervasive bias among scientists about IKS being pragmatic, less progressive and baseless also drives these traditional practices to the brink of extinction (Sillitoe, 1998; Nakashima and Roue, 2002). Because of this, the tribal youths are influenced to devalue their native culture, migrate to lowland areas and adopt modern lifestyles and value systems. Similarly, farmers in the uplands intentionally refrain from practicing farming rituals for fear of being ridiculed and branded as ‘ backward’ , ‘ old-fashioned’ and ‘ antiquated’ . Tribal elders complained that their children leave the parental household to work in urban areas: females in domestic work, males in manual labor to escape the drudgery of upland farming. For elderly farmers in remote upland farms, planting rituals are less practiced (or practiced with less elaboration). Traditional costumes, jewelry and musical instruments formerly used during planting rituals are also sold to antique collectors for additional income, further compounding cultural losses (Lopez et al, 2012).
While this study unveiled the richness of Sarangani culture and resources, it nonetheless revealed problems about the loss of rice varieties, erosion of IKS, and food scarcity due to evolving socio-political and economic scenarios in the uplands. Preservation of remaining ancestral lands from exploitative methods of resource extraction and encroachment of modern agriculture should therefore be instituted through policies and ordinances promulgated specifically for this purpose.
Problems on the extreme vulnerability of poverty-stricken upland communities to climate change should also be addressed using holistic and sustainable alternative farming technologies in the context of the locals’ socio-cultural and ecological experiences. These approaches should be in line with the sustainable development goals of the United Nations and should avoid pitfalls encountered with the half-baked implementation of the millennium development goals especially in third world countries. Upland rehabilitation and land management measures based on fire-less techniques and aimed at improving soil quality using organic methods are recommended to revitalize upland agriculture and increase productivity. In situ (on-farm and community-based) seed production systems are also suggested as part of a wider strategy of managing diversity and ensuring seed sufficiency in the Sarangani farms. Finally, Sarangani upland communities should be made resilient especially in the face of economic and socio-political changes, which the tribes will inevitably be subjected to. It is worth noting that the survival of the tribes and their way of life are at stake, and unless sustainable trans-disciplinary interventions are instituted, the upland tribes, their resources and culture will be forever lost to humanity.
This study funded by the Department of Agriculture-XII was conducted jointly with the Office of the Provincial Agriculturist-Sarangani Province. The authors thank to the Upland Rice Research Team composed of Lyn Jean Laniton, Reygeine Lincay, Roman Abdul Kadir Dulduco, Jacy Dened Leandres, and local contacts in their respective municipalities, barangays and sitios. Figs. 3-B and 3-C showing Blaan women planting and harvesting upland rice are credited to Cocoy Sexcion.
The following materials are available in the online version of this article at http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/16726308; http://www.ricescience.org.
Supplemental Table 1. Traditional Rice varieties extant in the Sarangani upland farms.
Managing Editor: Fang Hongmin
| 1 |
|
| 2 |
|
| 3 |
|
| 4 |
|
| 5 |
|
| 6 |
|
| 7 |
|
| 8 |
|
| 9 |
|
| 10 |
|
| 11 |
|
| 12 |
|
| 13 |
|
| 14 |
|
| 15 |
|
| 16 |
|
| 17 |
|
| 18 |
|
